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Recently I have experienced repeated and grievous ad hominem attacks from an Ethiopian government spokesperson and internet trolls associated with the regime, demonstrating how toxic and divisive the political context in Ethiopia has become. The slur campaign against me and other academics cannot, of course, be compared to the atrocities and abuse experienced daily by many civilians of all walks of life across Ethiopia. However, the orchestrated campaign against scholars and analysts working on Ethiopia is symptomatic of deeper political undercurrents throwing the country once again into political turmoil and conflict.

Researching Ethiopia

Pro-government Amhara nationalists in the diaspora and Eritrean internet trolls launched the personalized attacks and slur campaign against me some months back as a precursor to the war against the Tigray regional state. I became an opportune target because of my long-term research engagement on political developments in Tigray. I authored the first comprehensive report on the 1995 elections and status democratization in Tigray, criticizing the constrained political context and the suppressing of dissenting voices already. Several of my publications since then have analyzed the relationship of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) with its constituency and the overall “democratic pretensions and performances” of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

Due to this engagement, I have over the years collaborated closely with colleagues at inter alia Mekelle University, where I am (or was?) an adjunct professor. As part of this collaboration, I conducted a research-observation of the Tigray regional elections in September 2020 to understand how ordinary Tigrayans perceived the vote and their relationship to the federal government.

My presence in Tigray during the elections greatly provoked both Ethiopian nationalists and the federal government. On my return from Mekelle, I was briefly detained at the Bole International Airport by intelligence officials. The critics do not seem to understand that researching a process does not imply endorsement. (A research article on the Tigray election is forthcoming.)

As an anthropologist, my research objectives have always been to cast light on the subaltern voices and their grievances: on people who are marginalized from the political arena and exposed to the abuse and subjugation of power. I cut my teeth on authoritarianism living in a small village in highland Eritrea in the transition from war to independence in 1991-93, doing my dissertation work on the peasantry’s relationship with Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). Since the fall of the Derg, I have been a close observer of both Eritrean and Ethiopian political developments and have always felt at home and welcomed among the local people – be that in Hadiya or Sidama, in Oromia or Amhara, or Tigray and Afar – all places I have been working as part of my research undertakings in Ethiopia (or in Eritrea for that matter).

An orchestrated campaign

Recently, however, the accusations and social media campaigns have intensified to a level not experienced earlier, including Ethiopian government officials’ involvement. For example, on 16 December, the Director-General of Information Network System Agency, the national electronic intelligence agency, outrageously accused a handful of foreign scholars and analysts of being paid agents of disinformation without providing any evidence. (The state-run Ethiopian News Agency identified the accused, including me, by pictures, shown several times during the broadcast).

All of us strive to analyze the situation in Ethiopia to alleviate and mitigate conflicts, and I am certain none has received any payment – I have not – or other incentives from any actor, Ethiopian or otherwise. The powerholders in Ethiopia seem to view our analytical contributions as a threat to their attempt to craft a hegemonic narrative on the war and are hence doing their utmost to fabricate lies to undermine our credibility as independent analytical voices.

It is even more concerning to observe how low the authorities and associated actors are willing to stoop to defame and delegitimize some of us. Fabricating the most disgraceful lies of abuse to discredit my integrity and work ethics, and spreading it on social media, is now apparently the new norm; oblivious to the fact that such lies also create their social reality. The shocking lies remind me of an Ethiopian proverb: “Where there is no shame, there cannot be any honor.”

As a professor of human rights for many years and currently a professor of peace and conflict studies, I have always strived to understand how people at the receiving end of authoritarian policies and power abuse understand politics. To do so, one needs to associate with and position oneself in the same context as the victims of political power. Political marginalization and abuse need to be analyzed from the perspective of those who suffer from it. In many ways, this is provocative to the ones wielding and holding political power; hence the researcher will be perceived as an annoyance at best, or an enemy at worst.

Constrained relations with EPRDF

During my research on human rights, elections, and conflicts in Ethiopia over three decades, I have had numerous altercations with the authoritarian state’s cadres and agents in various locations across the country. However, on occasions when the cadre system turned too hostile, local inhabitants often have come to my rescue. For instance, during the 2000 elections in Hadiya, when I was detained by the EPRDF security and held in a secret house because I had witnessed the violence against the people and opposition candidates and the manipulation of the vote, local villagers came to my protection even though they did not personally know me. But as a “guest” in their village, they felt obliged to provide support and oversee that nothing untoward “happened to me.” They rallied around the secret house and stood guard throughout the night to prevent the cadres from making me “disappear.”

To be clear, as a researcher analyzing political power, I believe it is essential to interact with and listen to the political, military, and security elite’s representatives. Both victims and perpetrators of power abuse have stories that are important to listen to in order to fully understand how what may start as genuine political visions of development, in whatever ideology it is articulated, may morph into authoritarianism and subjugation. Hence, I have always pursued an open and transparent research approach and have maintained high-level contacts with EPRDF officials throughout my 30 years of research.

At times I had constrained relations with the former EPRDF leadership, but nevertheless, a certain degree of respect and decorum was maintained. My many books and articles criticizing their political performances and human rights record were often used as stepping-stones for interaction with the political leadership to obtain “their point of view” on my work. To their credit, I maintained access to the country, and top-ranking EPRDF officials, including the last two prime ministers Meles Zenawi and Hailemariam Dessalegn, who often made themselves available for critical research interviews.

A non-communication strategy

However, since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed rose to power, a rather ironic change – considering the opening of democratic space immediately after he took office – of accessibility towards how the decision-makers craft policies have emerged. I have repeatedly reached out to high-level representatives of the ruling party and government to ask for research interviews to learn from and understand their new visions and policies, alas mostly in vain.

Earlier this year, after TPLF declined to join the Prosperity Party (PP), I actively contacted all relevant Tigrayan representatives in the PP leadership (they were not that many to start with) to hear what they thought about the situation in Tigray. From the top-leadership and down the ranks, not one single official was willing to meet and inform me why PP had the best to offer Ethiopia, let alone Tigray. As so often experienced in non-democratic regimes, the incumbent and power elites believe they have all to lose and nothing to gain from interacting with independent researchers. Better, then, to shut them out with the hope that they eventually will give up.

A non-communication strategy is fair and well, as I do not have any ‘right’ to demand an interview with the Ethiopian government representatives. However, the modus operandi in Ethiopia today goes way beyond non-communication. It is the advent of something new and much more sinister. Today, traditional Ethiopian values of hospitably and decency seem to be forlorn by the ruling clique.

High-level officials and government spokespersons are openly touting lies and fabrications to their constituents, designed as targeted attacks against independent scholars and analysts. Concomitantly, the ruling clique relies on a raft of internet trolls to advance their hegemonic narrative and attack anybody who may offer a different interpretation of the ongoing conflict and encourage peaceful political solutions instead of violence. Interestingly, the three social media camps most active supporting the war on Tigray can be loosely characterized as Amhara nationalists, pan-Ethiopian nationalists who are nostalgic for the country’s “glorious” past, and Eritrean trolls. This informs us of which political base the PP government has in Ethiopia.

From an analytical point of view, this shift in Ethiopian political culture is interesting to observe. One may ask why a government struggling to combat two armed insurgencies (in Tigray and Oromia) and widespread political unrest, in the midst of a global pandemic and a deep economic down-turn, use time and resources to discredit a handful of independent scholars and analysts? What does this tell us about the political culture and inclinations of power in the ruling clique?

For one, despite the rebranding to PP, it speaks volumes to the continuity of the EPRDF-era authoritarianism and suppression. As with the EPRDF, PP cadres (mostly the same, only the label has changed) seek to apply against an international audience the same intimidation and harassment they use to silence and quell any protests and critical voices at home. The fact is many of us have worked for decades in such hostile environments, have not given up, and are still carrying on.

So, what explains the government’s new posture on propaganda and fabricated lies? One plausible explanation is that it is a desperate act by a regime insecure of their domestic and international standing, perceiving all criticism as evidence of their lack of a broad-based societal anchoring. It may also be a reflection of their fragile internal coherence, as Abiy was brought to power on the back of the Qeerroo protest movement in Oromia, a base he subsequently deserted and replaced with much more radical elites of “nationalists.” To keep the dispersing political fractions in PP at bay (particularly between the Amhara and Oromo components of the party), the ruling clique uses the state’s coercive means to silence critical domestic and foreign voices who point out that apparently “the Emperor is not wearing any clothes.”

Academic freedom under threat

Press freedom has been rolled-back for some time now, with the closure of critical media houses, arrests of several journalists, and charges pressed, forcing a high-level of self-censorship among media organizations in the country. Equally concerning, however, is the more recent trend of restriction on academic freedom. Lately, many Ethiopian colleagues have shared with me the fear and anxiety they experience under the new political order, forcing them to suspend research projects and keep quiet to protect their jobs, as well as their physical wellbeing. Thus, it is even more important than ever that those of us who are situated in international research environments continue to defend academic freedom by researching and providing critical analysis to Ethiopia’s donors and the international community at large on Ethiopian political developments – despite its unpopularity among the ruling clique and its supporters.

As a scholar striving to understand subaltern voices, marginalized groups, and the abuse of power, being personally at the receiving end of such power abuse is – despite its toll – also enriching my understanding of authoritarianism. Rest assured, my research perspective will remain the same no matter who inhabits the Arat Kilo party offices or the Palace in Addis Ababa. A confident leader who believes in his or her policies and visions would welcome any constructive criticism from domestic and foreign researchers to improve policy development, governance, and political accountability. A weak and insecure leader, on the other hand, opts for the easy way to try to muzzle voices of criticism. However, history has time and again proven which strategy will make an enduring positive impact on a country’s development.

Kjetil Tronvoll
Kjetil Tronvoll is a professor of peace and conflict studies at Bjorknes University College in Norway. He has researched political developments in Eritrea and Ethiopia since the late 1980s and published extensively on conflicts, democratization, and human rights issues.

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20 Comments

  1. If this is happened to you, think of what could be their blind measures on the people of Tigray, as they said, it’s “merciless genocide!”. May God protect and give you the strength to ignore these bastard idiots. Much respect Sir!🙏

    1. Yap. He is great scholar.
      Much respect ❣️

  2. Kjetil Tronvoll Is your academic freedom is all about disintegrating Ethiopia? is that all about allaying with the terrorist group? Is your academic freedom is all about promoting the massacre of innocent people in different parts of the country?. It’s clear that your current decision to back hold your self is b/c of the death of your sponsor group and you run out of those people who provide you fake news and information. You no longer receive an expensive Christmas gift. Over is over! You are a disgrace of #academia, shame on your institution who named you as a professor. Shame on @Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) The London School of Economics and Political Science – LSE , @Bjorknes University.

    1. It is disservices to the degree earned from LSE. Perhaps, someone should share this disturbing story to the alumina of LSE-a prestigious school.

      1. Funny that you still think to come back and do those ethically questionable researches. You have lost that chance for ever. You will not have access to your Ethiopian research laboratory. You may consider going somewhere and mess up. But chance of getting a thick pocket partner is slim.

  3. Unfortunately, I do not know how you reacted to the atrocities committed by the TPLF for more than two decades against almost everyone other than the Tigrawayti as a free scholar. However, your position as adjunct professor at Mekele University tells me that you were either complacent to the horrendous deeds of the TPLF to the least. If you stood up to the TPLF;s atrocities, you would not be allowed to be so. Also, in your recent activities, I see your. selective outrages. Besides, the current operation of the federal government to safeguard the law and order and national integrity of the country that is constantly outraged by you and others is supported by the vast majority of the nationals of Ethiopia who are primary affected by the actions. All these make your objectivity questionable. I suggest that you have to leave the Ethiopian issue to the nationals.

  4. Of course you were on TPLF’s now dysfunct payroll. Anyone with a slight knowledge of Ethiopia would know why the government sent troops into Tigray. If your (mis)analysis is a mistake, you should stop writing about such issues because your writing misguided articles is harming people directly and you know nothing. Your claim of orchestrated attacks is also wrong. Your silly ‘analysis’ and track record of depending tge indefensible TPLF makes it difficult to not criticize you.

    1. Your insults against to those who are becoming a voice to the voiceless heart breaking. What is the “slight knowledge of Ethiopia”? Ethiopia has been in chaos especially the past three years. Tigray was the only stable region with zero killings and zero displacement of any Ethiopians from the 9 regions in the country
      Your support to the genocide that is happening in tigray, the killing of innocent civilians of all ages, supporting the ethnic cleansing, by the Ethiopian government forces is inhumane. How can you live with this attitude.
      Now anyone who does not support your evil behavior is the bad guy

  5. Absolutely this is the ultimate fact

  6. This is actually excellently written, Kjetil Tronvoll, though I have been wary about your coziness with TPLF. And your statements (even in this article) show your bias.
    The fourth group you conveniently forgot to mention in your assessment of those who support the military action (aside from pro-Amhara, pan-Ethiopia, and the Eritrean trolls you mentioned), and who are in my opinion, by far the majority, are Ethiopians who have suffered enough through the TPLF-led EPRDF regime to know the complete lack of moral compass within TPLF leadership and who are enraged by the so-called “pre-emptive attack” done on Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) soldiers, where hundreds of poor Ethiopian soldiers were killed or kidnapped.
    The reality is TPLF and PP (the new EPRDF) are cut from the same cloth, and it is increasingly clear that ethnic based corruption, authoritarianism, lies and abuse of power are manifesting.
    We assumed, however, that TPLF is the bigger evil for this moment (something you seem to completely ignore, as far as I know) and considering what they have done before, and out of respect for our betrayed military force, we fully embraced the steps taken to remove TPLF and its militias, as we believed, not responding was not an option.

    But make no mistake we are truly concerned about how events are transpiring and about the fate of innocent Tigrayans who are caught in the middle of this event, and are very aware that considering how flawed our government and other actors in this venture can be, there are many possibilities where gross injustices will occur, when you sidestep the aberrant lies coming out of the TPLF propaganda machine.
    We are still looking forward to facts being established. No one can hide the truth forever, and the kind of gross human right violations that have been committed – and by whom, and the involvement of Eritrean soldiers – if any, will be ascertained in due time.
    But we are still very suspicious of the kind of journalism and analysis, you and your ilk, have shown, and we are justified in our concern of where your allegiance lies (it does not always appear to be the truth). I am looking forward to the publication of your paper and I hope the kind of friendliness you were showing to TPLF cadres was a ruse to do an ‘honest research’ and I hope you are not a morally bankrupt academic.

  7. Your research about political development is selective, either you have been given areas where you can only find minor political errors to criticise EPRDF nor you are supporting the human right violation they have been committed for 27 years. That will make you a criminal.

    You are supporting Tplf internationally, which means the atrocities committed by them against all Ethiopians is invisible for you. I have one word to describe your entire research. WRONG,

    Get your fact checked or don’t involve in Ethiopian politics.

  8. I think you should feel free and continue to be so strong on your personal opinion as far as they do on their own. It is known for many and normal incidence to silence scholars or opponents by defame and accuse them who they are trying to express their own opinion and idea.They have no basic argument and fact or evidence to argue with basic idea or fact. Even though, they know the reality, they don’t want to hear and acknowledge it. This is a deliberate action to control and cover up the truth on the ground even if it never last long.

    The government in Ethiopia including those in power now involved in different crime or illegal act that affect many citizens in the country, they should be accountable and legally prosecuted based on their level of involvement & individual participation this doesn’t mean those who control the power should be a free rider while the other is not. Today we are witnessing a wide false narratives and propaganda disseminated by the state media as a strategy to control the whole state power without any opposition as well as killing innocent Tigrians as a justification for their illegal action and war crimes to misguide the world in day light.

    At the same time they are trying to propagate and act as agents of democracy, development and humanity by dismantling and destroying the factories, hospitals, killing civilian people and looting resource of the people. It is really odd and shame for them and the country. Those who are critic on scholars now are morally inhuman and politically disgrace for their people and the country. Instead of open their mind to either positive or negative criticism either by concerned citizens and foreign scholars to correct on time they are wasting their time on defending the wrong act and lead the country to any nonreversible conflict and crisis. History and time will tell us what will happen in this country in particular and the region in general. In the past the same mistake is happen, they are trying to repeat a worst but similar action again by killing their own people with other countries such as Eritrea and UAE. It is sad but it is a true fact to know by all concerned citizens only not those blindly supporting the government in power.

  9. Thanks god someone has an eye to see what is actually happening in Ethiopia. The words become non existent to describe the atrocities. The outcry of the Ethiopians and the struggle to be heard seems like running out of oxygen to Ethiopian such as Oromos and 90% of Ethiopians.

  10. You claim researcher? You’ve been on TPLF payroll for your service to be international outlet! You were donned as an “international observer” on that fake/illegal election! Do not try to mislead us by your biased and unfair views! You are not helping except yourself!

  11. You’re as free scholar as Kindey Gebrehiwot (a friend of you, ex. Mekele University president fake election board director and current fighter in the bush somewhere)

  12. Don’t pretend to be innocent, Sir. You have been recently posting advices and supports to TPLF on twitter. During the controversial election, you were described as an international observer by the local media and you didn’t try to renounce either.

  13. Unfortunately, none of you in the picture represent Ethiopia and I don’t think you fully understood the reality. The Norwegian scholar disrepcted most us who love Norway by traveling to Tigray region in the name of “research travel” and represent yourself as election observer….an election not recognized by the legitimate government in Ethiopia. Then you kept defending tplf junta’s work and never mentioned all the massacres orchestrated by tplf for decades. Hands off Ethiopia!

  14. I do appreciate you side of the story-it clarifies a lot for me.

    I can not speak for the government, but as an individual (Pan Ethiopianist) who reads your tweets, I find your stance to be very pro-TPLF. For example, you always refer to the war against TPLF as the “war against Tigray” (as you did here to), and therefore propagate the strongest point of their propaganda.

    As you know, thousands of lives are at stake, and many Amharas feel extremely vulnerable as there is a significant minority spread out in Oromia who are at risk for mass murder by “federalists”, Oromo extremists aligned with TPLF, and who believe all Amharas are the hated “neghtegnas”.

    Tigray has a humanitarian crisis as a result of the war against TPLF, but Tigreans are in their ethnic homeland, their safe space where they are 99% of the population. The Ethiopian forces are not murderers, and the world is watching to make sure aid gets to the people.

    Amharas and other miniorities such as Gurages, Siltie and so forth are in danger and very few are paying attention and are actually sympathetic to TPLF.

    That is why Amharas are angry.

  15. Based on the totality of your actions, you have miserably failed as ‘anthropologist’ and a political hack. You have put yourself in a gravely compromised situation, and at the nadir of moral and ethical canvas. Yet, here you are calling yourself a scholar!
    Where is your basic decency? When the majority of people and its government says no to your divisive and flawed analysis, you should have the decency to respect that. Your field of Anthropology would benefit if you had revisited your stance, sources of information and all counter arguments, even in the last hours of your tenure. You rather chose to double down. You continued to spread lies and doomsday prophecy – more than a moderate #TPLF junta can do. You pretended to have a balanced view on #TPLF, but you hideously fell to call them out for their crimes and short comings.

    Where is your intellect and wisdom?
    You didn’t ring the alarm bell when #TPLF defied central authority (election board) and held elections in the midst of pandemic. You didn’t warn Tigray elites about the miniature of power balance they have against the federal government when they are in a perfect trajectory to war.

  16. Absolutely!

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